Confronting Western Military Alliances and Resettlement Plans
The Jordanian communists rejected the annexation of the West Bank to
In the Gaza Strip, the communists supported the struggle to establish an independent Palestinian state, in accordance with the
The Struggle against the Israeli Occupation in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip
The leadership of the JCP and of the PCP-G supported the revival of a Palestinian entity and the formation of the
Two months after the Israeli occupation of June 1967, the JCP issued a phased party program. It maintained that the steadfastness, or sumud, of the masses in the occupied territories would form the basis for the struggle to force the Israeli occupation to withdraw. It adopted the slogans “steadfastness on one’s homeland, death but not displacement.” It defined its primary mission to be the struggle to “purge all traces of the aggression,” which would force Israel to withdraw from the lands it had occupied, “in a manner that [would] preserve the integrity of Jordan as an entity and the unity of the two banks, and guarantee for the Arabs their legitimate rights in Palestine and for the refugees their right of return to their homes on the basis of the resolutions of the UN.”
Starting in 1968, clandestine committees were formed in the occupied West Bank called
In the Gaza Strip, the communists, Baathists, a branch of the
After the clashes of September 1970 in Jordan, and then the departure from Jordan of the Palestinian armed resistance groups by the summer of 1971, the communists realized the difficulty of restoring the situation in the occupied Palestinian territories to its 4 June 1967 status and reunifying the two Banks of
In mid-August 1973, after the main factions of the PLO set up branches in the occupied Palestinian territories, the communists played a role in bringing together Palestinian forces in the West Bank and Gaza Strip as part of “the
Reestablishment of the Palestinian Communist Party
In 1973, the steering committee of the JCP’s branch in the West Bank decided to change the names of its mass organizations. For example, the Jordanian Students’ Union in the West Bank now became the Palestinian Students’ Union. In early January 1974, the
After forming the Ansar Forces in 1970, the communists demanded representation in the bodies of the PLO. However, the PLO’s leadership continued to reject their request, even though several communists, especially deportees from the occupied territories, had become members of the
From the PCP to the PPP
The PPP held its fourth party conference in 2008 simultaneously in Ramallah,
The PPP after its Fourth Conference
Since 2009, the Palestinian People's Party has called for the PLO to change “its approach to the political and negotiation process” by making the proclamation of the Palestinian state a priority and ensuring its recognition by the UN and the international community, rather than leaving it hostage to the whims of Israel. The repeated failure of the bilateral negotiations under the aegis of the United States, it argues, requires a new political and negotiation approach, one that is based on ensuring the sponsorship of the UN and the Security Council and the participation of Russia , China , and the European Union .
In October 2009, the PPP launched a political campaign for the formation of a Constituent Assembly for the state of Palestine, consisting of elected members of the
In recent years, with the continuation of the rift between
The party also has pursued its efforts to form a coalition with leftist and democratic Palestinian groups. In late 2018, the party joined with the
The PPP’s multifaceted activity, its various political initiatives, and even its participation in the bodies of the PLO and in most of the Palestinian Authority governments has not enabled it to regain the influence that Palestinian communists had in the occupied territories in the 1970s and 1980s. The influence of the party and the Palestinian left overall has continued to weaken since the 1990s, as a result of the collapse of the Soviet Union, as well as the structural changes that have occurred in the makeup of Palestinian society with the establishment of the PA, with the steady increase in the PA’s administrative workforce and security apparatuses. These changes have been manifested in the rentier character of the Palestinian economy.
Furthermore, traditional frameworks for mass organizing, such as trade unions, student unions, and women's organizations, have declined, while NGOS and civil society groups, which have received significant material support from foreign donors, have expanded their role and siphoned off a large portion of the left’s rank and file. And while the Islamist movements have witnessed an unprecedented rise in their activity, in the context of the general Islamist resurgence that has swept the entire region, the forces of the Palestinian left have been unable to cope with the challenge of reviving themselves in all arenas, just as they have been unable to concretely embody their doctrine of the interconnectedness between the struggle for national liberation and the struggle for social justice through effective programs and actions.
Bröning, Michael. Political Parties in Palestine: Leadership and Thought. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013.
Gresh, Alain. ”Palestinian Communists and the Intifada.” Middle East Report 157 (March/April 1989).
Hiltermann, Joost. Behind the Intifada. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1991.
Najjar, Orayb Aref. “After the Fall: Palestinian Communist Journalism in the Post–Cold War World.” Rethinking Marxism 19, no. 3 (June 2007).