Before 1948, the Palestinian national movement had to define its position on the future of the Jewish minority that emerged from the successive immigration waves to Palestine; after the
A Democratic State: Recognition of the Jewish Presence in Palestine
Among Palestinians, the dominant attitude in the 1950s was to equate Zionism
with Judaism. This was the position taken by the
With the emergence of the
After taking control of the PLO in the summer of 1968, the
In spring 1969, one of the most prominent leaders of Fatah,
Fatah's adoption of this objective provoked rich debate in Palestinian circles, with the
On its foundation in 1969 the DFLP took as a premise that two questions needed to be solved: “the Palestinian question” and the “Israeli question.” It said that “a Jewish people” had come into being on Palestinian territory and had the right to enjoy complete equality in “the democratic Palestinian state” and to develop its national culture. As part of its call for a genuine Marxist-Leninist solution to the Palestinian and Israeli questions, the front rejected “chauvinistic and reactionary Zionist solutions based on recognizing the state of Israel” and “the chauvinistic Palestinian and Arab solutions proposed before and after June 1967, which were based on massacring the Jews and throwing them into the sea.” It emphasized that the struggle for a popular democratic solution to these two questions must be “based on eliminating the Zionist entity as represented in all the institutions of the state—the army, the administration, the police force, and all the chauvinist and Zionist political and trade union institutions—and setting up a popular democratic Palestinian state in which Arabs and Jews could live without discrimination, a state opposed to all forms of class oppression, with all Arabs and Jews given the right to develop their own national cultures.” The front advocated addressing Israeli public opinion, opening a dialogue with all “progressive” Jews in Israel and the rest of the world, inviting them to “take part in the Palestinian national liberation movement” and to “join Palestinians in a common fight to liberate Palestine and establish a democratic state.” The front did in fact embark on dialogue with Matzpen , a small Israeli leftist organization with Trotskyite leanings, which favored the idea of setting up a binational state in Palestine.
Toward Implicit Recognition of Israel's Existence
The outcome of the June 1967 War
showed it would be impossible to replicate the experience of the Algerian revolution with respect to the future of the Jewish settlers in Palestine, in the sense that, unlike the French settlers in
Toward Open Recognition of the Existence of Israel
After the outbreak of the
About five years after adopting this position, and as the culmination of the secret negotiations in Oslo
between representatives of the PLO and representatives of the Labor Party
government in Israel,
Al-Fateh. The Palestine National Liberation Movement: Al-Fateh. Beirut: The Palestine National Liberation Movement Information Office, 1969.
Hudson, Michael C. “Developments and Setbacks in the Palestinian Resistance Movement, 1967-1971,” Journal of Palestine Studies 1, no. 3 (Spring 1972): 64-84.
Muslih, Muhammad Y. “Towards Coexistence: An Analysis of the Resolutions of the Palestine National Council,” Journal of Palestine Studies 19, no. 4 (Summer 1990): 3-29.
Rasheed, Mohammad [Nabil Shaath]. Towards a Democratic State in Palestine : the Palestinian Revolution and the Jews vis-a-vis the Democratic, Nonsectarian Society in the Palestine of the Future. Beirut: Palestine Liberation Organization, Research Center, 1970.
Shaath, Nabil. “The Democratic Solution to the Palestine Issue,” Journal of Palestine Studies 6, no. 2 (Winter 1977): 12-18.
Suleiman, Jaber. “The Palestinian Liberation Organization: From the Right of Return to Bantustan.” In Naseer Aruri Palestinian Refugees: the Right of Return. London: Pluto Press.